Detail A bad father of the Turkmen   Oleh:  The Economist (Editor) Jenis: Article from Bulletin/Magazine Dalam koleksi: The Economist (http://search.proquest.com/) vol. 382 no. 8510 (2007), page 27. Topik: Asia; Turkmenistan Ketersediaan Perpustakaan Pusat (Semanggi) Nomor Panggil: EE29.41 Non-tandon: 1 (dapat dipinjam: 0) Tandon: tidak ada     Lihat Detail Induk Isi artikel President Niyazov is dead, but his country lives under his shadow. FEW people will mourn the death of Turkmenistan's President Saparmurat Niyazov, the 66-year-old dictator who called himself Turkmenbashi, or "Father of the Turkmen". In a region dominated by autocratic leaders, he stood out like one of the grotesque gilded statues of himself that disfigure the capital, Ashgabat. His fondness for huge diamond-studded rings and changing his hair colour made him the butt of jokes. Inevitably, the giant portraits of Turkmenbashi had to be replaced whenever he adopted a new hair-dye. Mr Niyazov was not just an eccentric. He wrecked his country, particularly the health and education systems, even though he presided over the world's fifth-largest reserve of natural gas. He imposed a Stalinist reign of fear in which anyone suspected of disagreeing with him was sent to a psychiatric ward or prison. It is unclear whether Turkmenbashi's death from a heart attack on December 21st will improve the lot of his 5m countrymen any time soon. Despite hints of liberalisation, Mr Niyazov's coterie appears to retain a firm grip on power, and will doubtless continue to trade on his personality cult for some time. The deputy prime minister, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, rumoured to be a close relative of Mr Niyazov, has been named acting president. Under the constitution, the job was supposed to pass to the speaker of parliament, but he was reported arrested soon after Mr Niyazov's death. The way appears clear for Mr Berdymukhammedov, who has promised better access to the internet and more school years, to become leader in an election on February 11th. Political opponents, mostly in exile, seem unable to pose a challenge. The big question is whether the vacuum left by Mr Niyazov will allow Islamic extremism to spill over from neighbouring Iran and Afghanistan. The main powers in the region--Russia, the United States and China--are also watching closely. Russia has long had the upper hand. Most of Turkmenistan's gas is exported through the Russian pipeline system. Gazprom, the Russian state giant, buys gas at relatively low prices, and then distributes it in Russia or sells it at a profit elsewhere in Europe. The United States, however, may now hope that the new rulers will seek to diversify, and adopt a project to build a gas pipeline beneath the Caspian Sea. An alternative southward route through Afghanistan to Pakistan and India, once favoured by Mr Niyazov, has so far proved elusive. Mr Niyazov became Turkmenistan's Communist boss in 1985 and remained in power after the break-up of the Soviet Union. The country kept afloat thanks to the export of natural gas, even though much of the bounty was squandered on dubious projects, such as a huge artificial lake in the desert. A London-based campaigning group, Global Witness, said Mr Niyazov siphoned away much of the country's gas revenues into offshore bank accounts. Turkmenbashi also impoverished the minds of his countrymen. All children were required to spend hours learning the Ruhnama, "The Book of Spirit", his eccentric musings on Turkmen history and culture. Russian-language teaching was phased out, music and ballet schools were closed and almost all teachers from ethnic minorities were rooted out. Foreign degrees were no longer recognised. In the end the Father of the Turkmen bequeaths his children a dreadful legacy. Opini Anda Klik untuk menuliskan opini Anda tentang koleksi ini! Kembali

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