The Acquisition of the French Relative Clauses Reconsidered  

Oleh:

Guasti, Maria Teresa ; Shlonsky, Ur.

Jenis: Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi: Language Acquisition: A Journal of Developmental Linguistics (ada di JSTOR) vol. 4 no. 4 (1995), page 257-276.
Fulltext: 20011426.pdf (1.73MB)

Ketersediaan

Perpustakaan PKBB Nomor Panggil: 405/LAA/4 Non-tandon: tidak ada Tandon: 1

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Isi artikel

We argue that early French relative clauses (RCs) with gaps involve move. ment, contrary to Labelle's (1990) conclusion, but that it is movement of the relative head, not of an operator. We suggest that children lack relative operators for maturational reasons (Wexler (1991)). Our account shows that the deviation of early RCs from adult grammar is due to this lacuna and it compensated for in a manner consistent with Universal Grammar (UG). This analysis explains the absence of "pied piping" and the preponderance of gaps in object relative clauses in Labelle's corpus. We assimilate relative clause where the relativized NP occurs in situ to wh-in situ in French interrogatives. This is compatible with UG given that internally headed relative clauses an attested cross-linguistically. We consider child and adult Korean (Lee, Lust and Whitman (1991)) in this context. This approach also captures Flynn and Lust's (1980) observation that free relatives are acquired earlier than restrictive relatives.

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