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Impossible nativizations as phonological evidence and the axplanation of constraints
Oleh:
Churma, D. G.
Jenis:
Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi:
Journal of Linguistics (Full Text & ada di PROQUEST & JSTOR) vol. 20 no. 2 (Sep. 1984)
,
page 223 - 228.
Fulltext:
223-227.pdf
(634.17KB)
Ketersediaan
Perpustakaan PKBB
Nomor Panggil:
405/JOL/20
Non-tandon:
1 (dapat dipinjam: 0)
Tandon:
tidak ada
Lihat Detail Induk
Isi artikel
It has been argued in a number of studies that the facts of loan phonology in Japanese and in Miami Cuban Spanish provide strong support for David Stampe's theory (see especially Stampe, 1973, Donegan & Stampe, 1979) of 'natural phonology' (cf. Ohso, 1971, Lovins, 1973, 1974; Bjarkman, 1976). To the evidence adduced in these studies, I would like to add some evidence from English. The English evidence is especially compelling, since it involves not only actual nativizations, but (intuitions about) IMPOSSIBLE nativizations. In English, * /sl/ and * /sr/ do not occur initially in native morphemes; /sl/ and /sr/, on the other hand, occur freely.2 Since there is no evidence from morphophonemic alternations for a phonological rule involving such sequences, and since it would, therefore, appear to be arbitrary to choose either the first or second segment as the one which is 'changed' in a generative rule (henceforth termed a 'phonological structure rule', and abbreviated as
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