The history of Raising and Relativization in Polynesian  

Oleh:

Chung, S. ; Seiter, William J.

Jenis: Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi: Language (ada di JSTOR) vol. 56 no. 3 (Sep. 1980), page 622-638.
Fulltext: THE HISTORY OF RAISING AND RELATIVIZATION IN.pdf (388.65KB)

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Some Polynesian languages have accusative case systems, while others have ergative systems. Chung 1978 has argued that the Proto-Polynesian case system was accusative, and that the case systems of the ergative languages are the result of a PASSIVE-TO-ERGATlVE re-analysis, which re-interpreted passive structures as superficially active and transitive. We argue here that the passive-to-ergative re-analysis accounts historically for the unexpected properties of two syntactic rules found in ergative Polynesian languages: (a) the Raising rule of Niuean, and (b) the Relativization rule of Tongan and many Samoic-Outlier languages. Such an account is desirable since these rules are typologically rather unusual. Niuean Raising counter-exemplifies Postal's (1974) suggestion that Raising is universally restricted to complement subjects, while Relativization in Tongan and many Samoic-Outlier languages violates Keenan & Comrie's (1977) Accessibility Hierarchy. We conclude by arguing that certain differences in the histories of Raising and Relativization in Polynesian follow from the different characterizations of the two rules in universal grammar.

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