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Eventivity effects in early grammar: The case of non-finite verbs
Oleh:
Hyams, Nina
Jenis:
Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi:
First Language (Full Text) vol. 32 no. 1-2 (2012)
,
page 239-269.
Topik:
aspect
;
bare verb
;
cross-linguistic
;
eventivity
;
modal
;
participles
;
root infinitives
Fulltext:
p. 239-269.pdf
(490.54KB)
Isi artikel
During the Root Infinitive (RI) stage children produce both stative and eventive finite verbs, but their non-finite verbs are restricted to eventive predicates (Hoekstra & Hyams, 1998; Wijnen, 1997). This Eventivity Constraint (EC) holds cross-linguistically – for RIs in Dutch, German, French, and Russian, ‘bare perfectives’ in Greek, bare participles (participles without an auxiliary) in Italian, French, and German – but not for English bare verbs. Hyams (2007) proposes the ‘aspectual anchoring hypothesis’ (AAH), which requires that non-finite root clauses be temporally anchored via the aspectual system. This article demonstrates that without any additional stipulations the AAH also accounts for the EC and the lack of such an effect in English bare verbs.
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