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Conditions for the voicing of Old English fricatives, II: morphology and syllable structure
Oleh:
Fulk, R. D.
Jenis:
Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi:
English Language and Linguistics (Full Text & ada di PROQUEST th. 2005 - terbaru) vol. 6 no. 1 (May 2002)
,
page 81-104.
Fulltext:
vol 6.1;81-104.pdf
(173.76KB)
Ketersediaan
Perpustakaan PKBB
Nomor Panggil:
SS23
Non-tandon:
1 (dapat dipinjam: 0)
Tandon:
tidak ada
Lihat Detail Induk
Isi artikel
Old English fricatives at points of morpheme juncture are studied to determine whether they conform to the rule of voicing between voiced sounds that applies morphemeinternally. Should we expect a voiced or a voiceless fricative in words like OE heor.- weorod, Wulfweard, and stãÅ.lãÅce? The evidence examined regards chie¯y compounds and quasi-compounds (the latter comprising both forms bearing clear derivational af®xes and `obscured' compounds, those in which the deuterotheme has lost its lexical independence), though a small amount of evidence in regard to voicing before in¯ectional suf®xes is considered. Evidence is derived from place-names, personal names, and common nouns, on the basis of Modern English standard pronunciation, assimilatory changes in Old English, modern dialect forms, post-Conquest and nonstandard Old English spellings, and analogous conditioning for the loss of OE /x/. A considerable preponderance of the evidence indicates that in compounds as well as in quasi-compounds, fricatives were voiced at the end of the prototheme when a voiced sound followed, but not a voiceless one. It follows from the evidence that there was no general devoicing of fricatives in syllable-®nal position in Old English, despite Anglo- Saxon scribes' use of
for etymological [[] in occasional spellings like
and
. Old English spellings of this kind need be taken to imply nothing more than a tendency for
and
to be used interchangeably in noninitial positions, due to the noncontrastive distribution of the sounds they represent everywhere except morpheme-initially. Rare early Middle English spellings of this kind may or may not have a phonological basis, but they cannot plausibly be taken to evidence a phonological process affecting /v, ., z/.
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