Detail Thailand: Generals' disarray   Oleh:  The Economist (Editor) Jenis: Article from Bulletin/Magazine Dalam koleksi: The Economist (http://search.proquest.com/) vol. 382 no. 8510 (2007), page 25. Topik: Military law; Political behavior; Democracy; Bombings Ketersediaan Perpustakaan Pusat (Semanggi) Nomor Panggil: EE29.41 Non-tandon: 1 (dapat dipinjam: 0) Tandon: tidak ada     Lihat Detail Induk Isi artikel Bombs in Bangkok and botched currency restrictions have left the military junta looking shaky. WHEN military chiefs seized power in September, many Thais looked on the bright side. They hoped the men in uniform would bring order and security after months of demonstrations for and against the prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. Unlike the plotters in the country's many previous coups, this lot of soldiers appeared to be decent men seeking to strengthen democracy, not crush it. And the technocratic government appointed by the junta seemed a capable bunch. However, the eight bombs that exploded across Bangkok on New Year's Eve, killing three and injuring dozens, shattered any illusions that military rule guarantees security. Suspicions have also grown that the generals are seeking to maintain power the day after they supposedly restore democracy. And the interim government's credibility was damaged by a disastrous attempt, late last month, to curb currency speculation. The junta has often talked of "undercurrents" of Thaksinites supposedly plotting a counter-coup. So it was unsurprising when the prime minister, General Surayud Chulanont, and other ministers suggested that the deposed leader's allies, perhaps serving in the police or army, had planted the Bangkok bombs. Mr Thaksin, exiled in Beijing, rejected this "smear". He said the likely culprits were separatist insurgents from Thailand's mainly Muslim southern provinces. General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the junta's leader, insisted that the insurgents lacked the capacity to expand their campaign beyond the south. Although they have not recently staged attacks in Bangkok, southern separatists did bomb its airport in 1977. Even if the insurgents did not plant the Bangkok bombs, the violence in the south shows no sign of abating, despite General Sonthi's efforts to negotiate with the insurgent groups and the release of a group of Muslim prisoners held for years without charge. Mr Thaksin's attempt to crush the insurgency with brutal force made things worse. But, so far, General Sonthi's olive branch has borne no fruit. Thailand's new rulers have suffered setbacks on other fronts. Their investigations into Mr Thaksin's alleged corruption are struggling to pin him down. Many aspects of Thaksinomics, including cheap health care and state aid for poor rural villagers, were highly popular, and the military government is having to continue such policies while seeking somehow to detach the Thaksin label from them. Then there have been embarrassing climbdowns. The government went back on its proposal to legalise a lottery originally set up by Mr Thaksin, and plans to ban alcohol advertising to curb under-age drinking. The generals' promised reform of the corrupt and inefficient police is being fiercely resisted by the force's chiefs--indeed, one theory has it that disgruntled policemen planted the new-year bombs. However, what has most damaged the government's reputation is its botched attempt to restrain the surging baht. Though it may have had reason to act (see page 59), the currency controls announced on December 18th were ill-judged, triggering a stockmarket slump which forced it partly to reverse the measures. A 100-strong constitution-drafting body, chosen by the junta, was set up this week. Its draft will be put to a referendum and followed by elections late this year. But it is unclear who will stand in the elections, let alone who will govern Thailand thereafter: both Mr Thaksin's Thai Rak Thai party and the Democrats, the main opposition party, have been charged with misdeeds in last April's annulled elections and face possible dissolution. As the reputation of the junta and its government have become tarnished, criticism has become more open. Questions have been raised by Thaksinites about the legality of a land purchase by General Surayud. Gossip about General Sonthi's private life has been printed in Bangkok's press. Newspapers have savaged a suggestion by supporters of the regime that, under the proposed new constitution, the prime minister need not be an elected politician. This was seen as a ploy to keep General Surayud in power. The junta and its allies have also talked of installing an appointed senate. If the junta sticks to this course, there are bound to be bitter rows with civil-rights groups. Public protests against the coup, which have so far been small, might quickly swell. The generals have kept their promise to be benevolent dictators, but they are being sorely tested. A weakened military government may find itself struggling against rising dissent, and Thais may yet hanker for Mr Thaksin's return. Opini Anda Klik untuk menuliskan opini Anda tentang koleksi ini! Kembali

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