QR Obeys Superiority: Frozen Scope and ACD  

Oleh:

Bruening, Benjamin

Jenis: Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi: Linguistic Inquiry (ada di JSTOR) vol. 32 no. 2 (2001), page 233-274.
Fulltext: Vol 32 No 2 pp 233-273.pdf (4.51MB)

Ketersediaan

Perpustakaan PKBB Nomor Panggil: 405/LII/32 Non-tandon: tidak ada Tandon: 1

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Isi artikel

The phenomenon of "frozen scope" in double object and spray-load constructions is shown to hold robustly across contexts, constructions, and quantifier types. Nevertheless, frozen scope is not absolute, holding only between two objects but not between an object and a subject or an object and some other operator. The rigidity of two object quantifiers follows the pattern of multiple instances of movement crosslinguistically (multiple wh-movement, multiple A-scrambling, multiple object shift): movement paths cross, recreating the hierarchical order of the moving elements (Richards 1997). Hypothesizing that quantifier scope is derived by quantifier-specific syntactic movement, movement that is constrained in the same way as other types of movement, permits these phenomena to be unified under accounts of Relativized Minimality effects generally. Keywords: quantifiers, scope, double objects, Superiority, Relativized Minimality, covert movement

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