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Tense, aspect and mood in some West Indonesian languages
Oleh:
Adelaar, Alexander
Jenis:
Article from Books
Dalam koleksi:
NUSA: Linguistics Studies of Language in and around Indonesia Volume 55: Tense, Aspect, Mood and Evidentiality in Languages of Indonesia
,
page 5-21.
Fulltext:
Alexander ADELAAR.pdf
(379.98KB)
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Perpustakaan PKBB
Nomor Panggil:
405 NUS 55
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Isi artikel
In this paper, I follow the development of tense, aspect and mood markers in some West Indonesian languages. I try to find out what happened to the aspectual and modal affixes reconstructed for Proto Austronesian, and I look for tense, aspect and mood affixes that cannot be traced to Proto Austronesian and must be innovative. The languages in question have definitely reduced the original Proto Austronesian aspect and mood affixes, and there is usually no new morphology to compensate for this reduction. The Proto Austronesian modal suffix *-a has retained its original form and function more successfully than the aspect affixes. Malagasy is the only language with clear tense distinctions: they are due to contact with Bantu languages. Remarkably, the perfect marker *ni-/*
has gone almost full circle from a perfect marker in Proto Austronesian to an undergoer marker in Maanyan and other South East Barito languages in Borneo, and then from an undergoer marker in South East Barito to a past tense marker in Malagasy. While the change from undergoer voice to past tense is common, that from perfect aspect to undergoer voice is less obvious.
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