Asymmetries in the intonation system of the tonal dialect of Maastricht Limburgish  

Oleh:

Gussenhoven, Carlos

Jenis: Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi: Phonology (Full Text) vol. 29 no. 01 (May 2012), page 36-79.
Fulltext: Gussenhoven_Carlos, (May 2012), p. 81-111.pdf (1.24MB)

Isi artikel

The lexical tone and intonation contrasts in the Limburgish dialect of Maastricht are remarkable in a number of ways. While a falling pitch contour on an IP-medial syllable signals a non-declarative intonation, on an IP-final syllable it signals a declarative intonation. In addition, although there is a binary tone contrast (Accent 1 vs. Accent 2) and four nuclear intonation contours, only three intonation contours exist for nuclear syllables with Accent 2, while in IP-final position only two intonation contours exist for nuclear syllables with Accent 1, so that the full set of four intonation contours is only observable in IP-medial nuclear syllables with Accent 1. The context-dependent function of the pitch fall and the asymmetries are explained by a grammar in which the OCP is enforced absolutely, and the number of tones per syllable is restricted to two, unless the three tones each represent a different morpheme: OCP, REALISEMORPH1#TTT.

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