Rethinking Complementizer Agreement: Agree with a Case-Checked Goal  

Oleh:

Carstens, Vicki

Jenis: Article from Journal - ilmiah internasional
Dalam koleksi: Linguistic Inquiry (ada di JSTOR) vol. 34 no. 3 (2003), page 393-412.
Topik: complementizer) Agree(ment); CP-recursion; Frisian; Case (deletion); antisymmetry; Dutch
Fulltext: Vol. 34, No. 3, pp. 393-412.pdf (2.03MB)

Isi artikel

Agree(X, Subj) accounts for all agreement in West Germanic: comple- mentizer agreement (CA) results from an Agree relation between un- interpretable 4)-features of Fino (Rizzi 1997) and 4)-features of the subject; subject-verb agreement (SA) spells out uninterpretable +)-fea- tures of To on V0 raised to T0, even in OV clauses (Haegeman 2000). Although DPs need Case to participate in Agree relations (Chomsky 2000), deletion-marked Case remains syntactically accessible until the next strong phase (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001), allowing CA and SA to cooccur. In Frisian, 'that' cannot agree in embedded VO clauses because it is in Force; the verb is in Fin0, bearing CA (contra Zwart 1997).

Opini Anda

Klik untuk menuliskan opini Anda tentang koleksi ini!

Kembali